Se ha logrado hoy un acuerdo con Cantillo por el cual el primero de enero de termina definitivamente la guerra. Pero esto opacaba de cabo a rabo los planes totalitarios castro-guevaristas de alzarse con el poder e imponer el comunismo. Este sin vacilar se pliega a favor de los rebeldes. Antesalas indispensables para la entrada triunfal en La Habana. Fidel Castro, que ha manifestado ya que el cargo le interesa, es puesto enseguida -esta vez oficialmente-al frente del gabinete".
En el caso de marras, el poder formal estaba encabezado por liberales y moderados jubilosamente aceptados por el pueblo cubano. El real, era el que estaba compuesto por Castro y su pandilla, la cual contaba con peligrosos agentes marxistas. Pero eran estos los que en verdad tomaban decisiones. Estamos contra cualquier forma de totalitarismo". El hecho de que yo no sea un comunista afiliado al PC, y yo no lo estoy, no tiene importancia.
Se nos acusa de comunistas por lo que hacemos, no por lo que somos o decimos. Si usted cree que lo que hacemos es comunismo, entonces somos comunistas". Lo voy a mandar a Santo Domingo a ver si lo mata Trujillo". Esa gente "no cabe en la nueva sociedad". La foto agujereadaA su regreso a Cuba, el Che, se encuentra para su deleite con un gobierno acentuando el giro a la izquierda.
Castro acababa de expulsar al presidente Urrutia, quien si bien obraba de marioneta, era de tendencia moderada. Una forma elegante de mantener a Guevara alejado de afirmaciones peligrosas.
Con gran conflicto interno y a sabiendas de la injusticia, Cienfuegos detiene a Matos. Una suerte de "catarsis" ante tanto desorden del alma. El ex asesor del Che recuerda que el comandante estaba muy preocupado porque la madre del menor se Las purgas contra coincidentesLas purgas no terminan con los disidentes.
Ernesto Guevara caminando por todo aquel pasillo con las manos en la espalda y yo sentado con Aleida March. Recuerda Huber Matos que durante la lucha contra Batista, los sacerdotes eran "muy atentos con todos y, de manera especial, afectuosos con Fidel".
Y, normalmente, no tienen tiempo ni para filosofar ni para transformar nada. Luego, los docentes acusados de no ser comunistas fueron expulsados y confinados. Era un improvisado que encaraba cualquier aventura, y por ende, en casi todo fracasaba.
Obvio que no. Tipo de delito, parentesco. En Buenos Aires, es un trato solo amistoso, sin connotaciones amatorias. Y Guevara no deseaba ofrecer dudas en materia tan delicada". Agrega Sebreli: "Fidel era hijo de un rico terrateniente, educado por los jesuitas, y llevaba al cuello una medalla de la Virgen del Cobre. Despechados por la estafa comunista, a partir de marzo de aparecen en escena numerosos campesinos y ciudadanos cubanos de todas las clases sociales que se nuclearon en organizaciones anticomunistas.
Llevaban a cabo fusilamientos masivos. Miles de familias campesinas de la provincia central de Las Villas fueron desarraigadas y hasta disueltas, siguiendo los patrones de barbarie del estalinismo. Olmedo era veterano del asalto al palacio presidencial durante la lucha contra Batista… ". Legalidad castrista; es decir: Terrorismo de Estado". Obligados a combatir para escapar de las prisiones… ". Agrega Franqui que "La consigna era esperar.
Ernesto Guevara de la Serna. Los propios obispos sufren arrestos domiciliarios. El cardenal Arteaga prefiere refugiarse en una embajada. Para otros, es un vicio especialmente repugnante contrario al orden natural y a los preceptos cristianos.
Precisamente a que por ser Cuba un estado totalitario que impide la entrada de comisiones de DD. A esa hora, inmensos reflectores alumbraban la oscuridad, y las caras de cansancio y fatiga resaltaban monstruosamente al ser iluminadas por la intensa luz. Este documento indica la presencia de Pues no es el caso. Cada vez que un Guevara abre un negocio, quiebra". Va rodeado de escoltas armados, que se le parecen como dos gotas de agua, capaces de asustar a cualquier visitante… ".
A partir de entonces, cuando llega el momento de los saludos mantiene su habano entre los dientes". La gente se disputaba violentamente los pocos alimentos que quedaban. Kennedy quien acababa de ganar las elecciones en , cubanos exiliados residentes en EE. Base de operaciones". Los pilo-mas semanas. Lo he liberado de la carga de casi hombres a los que mantener. Nosotros hablamos de diez por ciento de desarrollo sin medio alguno.
Arturo Illia episodio al que luego nos referiremos. En el caso argentino, terroristas 33 pertenecientes a las organizaciones ERP y Montoneros recibieron adiestramiento en la isla para frentes internos de resistencia en apoyo a los expedicionarios. Cuando abarrotado de presiones Frondizi tuviera que renunciar en marzo de siendo reemplazado por el Dr.
La superioridad nuclear norteamericana sobre la URSS estaba calculada por entonces en 5 a 1. Los halcones del Excom "A medida que las conversaciones se desarrollaban en sucesivas reuniones, aparecieron cinco planes principales, cada uno con diversas variantes.
El mundo de las superpotencias estaba a sus pies. Kennedy como un "estadista". M: Seguro. La previsible fuga de cerebros". Se ha dormido totalmente, hay que despertarla abruptamente. Por eso es necesario condenar la rentabilidad, la ganancia individual, para conseguir una conciencia socialista… Es necesario cambiar la mentalidad para obtener un hombre nuevo". Vale decir; el cubano fue privado de gozar de un solo espacio de descanso.
El resto, soportaba un sistema sumamente cruel y atemorizante. Entonces, hay que liquidarlo". Invariablemente, arroz y pastas hervidas. En resumen, es inadmisible" Este proverbio viene a cuento, porque el go y la recompensa. Si trabaja, premios. Si se sienta, palos. No falla. Viejo o nuevo, no falla. Todo muy conmovedor, muy literario, pero escasamente leninista.
Va de suyo que un pedante como Guevara no iba a ser expulsado o iba a dimitir en el marco de un fracaso. Nada mejor que vagar por el mundo en busca de una nueva aventura guerrillera en cualquier lugar que se pudiera.
Como broma, ha sido exitosa, pero no es ni graciosa ni cierta. En todo instante queremos volver a ella". Le reprocha. Es usted un hombre joven. Nasser le manifiesta su asombro y procura disuadirlo. Esa era la consigna. Patria o muerte. Te abraza con todo fervor revolucionario: Che". El transformado Che Guevara llevaba pasaporte falso y no viajaba solo.
La cifra era alta, en bebidas, en burdeles". Pero aun en esto hay una nota de relatividad. El soldado, para que el efecto dawa no se pierda debe cumplir con tres condiciones ineludibles: no tocar objeto alguno que no le pertenezca, no estar en contacto con una mujer y tampoco sentir miedo.
No me gustaba para nada". Chamaleso se queda pasmado. Con frecuencia otros, luchar por nuestra libertad era luchar contra los blancos y el Che era un blanco". Nobleza obliga. Buscar por favor Mucho mas que la huella quiere al suelo Mas que el mar quiere el agua y la sal Mucho mas que el cristal quiere la lluvia te quiero muco mas Y tu sin saberlo casi y yo casi sin saber los dos somos mas que todos los dos mucho mas.
Liberdade, liberdade, liberdade…. Hola ando buscando la cancion de don amor la de jei donde esta la nena que me vuelve loco porfa si la encuentran mandenme la respuesta a mi correo la ando buscando hace tiempo po.
Mirenn e tratado de encotrar 1 cancion de don amor la a dixo otra persona tambien es : erez tu la que me vuelve loco i eres tu la que me vuelve me vuelve me vuelve loco la canta 1 mino iamado Jeii en la teleserie don amor de canal 13 Porrffaa diganmee.
Muchas gracias. Hola busco el nombre de la cancion ella la que se viste de negro y anda pegando el siida por ahi! Es el unico video que conozco con un argumento similar…suerte!! People are say these and people are say these people are talking people are talking people are..
Es poca ayuda pero es una bachatadominicana preciosa un saludo. Bueno ojala me puedan ayudar con eso…Gracias Saludillos!!! Lo he intentado pero no puedo dejarte de amar. Hemos compartido tantas cosas bellas que hoy son imposibles de olvidar. Les agradeceria mucho…. Quiero savr como se llama una cancion Que dc Asi : Te tendre como una clava a mis pies siemporciento arrodillada. Y entre vueltas y vueltas puedo oir ,palabras mentirosas del amor ,palabras que llenaron de ilusion las horas mas felices de mi ayer……..
Eso es lo que recuerdo hace mucho tiempo que trato de buscarlo. Mil gracias Ro. No recuerdo como dice porq la escuche en la radio.
Todo el tiampo dice: YO SE. No me arrepiento. Gracias por ayudarme. Hola me gustaria saber el titulo de esa cancion… espero no sea mucha molestia!!! Necesito saber el nombre de los grupos o artistas que tienen los siguientes temas: 1.
Dancehall reggae porfa.!! Holas a todos…. Awwwww Ayudenmee es de vida o muerte necesito saber como se llama esta cancion, es super linda y quiero saber como se llama Un dia nuevo empieza aca y no estas tuuuu.. No consigo encontrar una cancion romantica, aunque se parte de su letra, me gustaria poder conseguir de que cancion se trata o su autor. El primer parafo de la letra es: En lo largo de la playa dibuje un corazon, con tu nombre y el mio explicando la razo.
X fa chicos…….. Xfa de ello depend mi futuro amorozo. Ay, ay, ay, esa mujer. Ay, ay, ay, Esa mujer. Me cura y me envenena. Me atrapa y me libera. Me duerme y me desvela. Me absuelve y me condena. Me esquiva y me atropella. Me incendia y me congela. Y se, que cuando abre los ojos hay un nuevo amanecer, Y cuando se desnuda me ilumina con su piel.
Que prende las estrellas cuando el cielo no la ve, Inventa primaveras con su piel. Que prende las estrellas cuando el cielo no la ve, Inventa primaveras con flores de papel. Me duerme y me desvela, Esa mujer. Y siento su perfume en cada atardecer, Me envuelve con sus piernas y ya nada puedo hacer. La quiero para mi, Es el agua y es la sed. Me cura y me envenena… Me cura y me envenena.
Si yo, si yo fuera tarde esta tarde gris, no te daria la oscuridad, te llevaria mas bien a un mundo lleno de luz, donde puedas cuidarme y un poquito enamorarme. Con viento del este hiciste una cama, soplaste sobre ella para cambiarla y con el murmullo de tu voz de agua, me cantabas nanas sin letras….
Algunas cosas las vemos, las tenemos, las queremos las cuidamos, las perdemos o las dejamos partir. Hola a todos yo necesito que me ayuden a saver quien canta la cancion que se llama si tu eres mi hombre, es que me dicen que Dulce pero realmente no he podido encontrar el disco.
Dce asi. Quiero saber como se llama esta cancion y quien la canta. Dice: Para ti es tan facil herirme, para mi lentamente es morirse, para ti lo que siento no importa ya vez, si despues me tendras nuevamente. Mientes cobarde en tus ojos se ve lo que piensas, un esclavo de mi tu haz hecho porque yo ya no se lo que siento.
HOLA quiero saber si me pueden ayudar con esta cancion titulo y quien la canta sale en un programa que se llama euros y salio al final del capitulo 7 gracias. Oiie kiiero saber el nobre de eta kancion! La pasan a veces en cuestion de peso, Gracias. Quiiiiiiiiiiien canta esto!!! Quisiera saber como se llama la cancion de Casi Angeles que cantaron las dos bandas en la Bestia Pop en el capitulo Era una cancion en ingles. Y tampokoo me la se muy bien kreo ke dice algo asi como : oooh muuero ya se que he jugado con fuego… lalalal noce ke mas :S.
Lo unico que me se es la letra, que dice: De pronto pude ver la luz de tu mirada… Pero tu ni me ves y no sabes quien soy… Y es que estoy tan enamorada de ti.. Bueno pues espero que me puedan ayudar. Se q llego el momento de cambiar, de salir a buscarte y decirte q me equivoque, q pedirte ma tiempo fue un error y fue una estupides, que no qise perderte, dejarte, solo escuchame. Hola amigos les puedo ayudar en algunas canciones, pero en esta si no se asi que por eso les pido su ayuda son dos: 1- Si estoy contigo no me hace falta nada amor, me siento tranquiloo porque a mi lado estas aunque se que es dificil que tu estes siempre junto a mi pero lo imposible cuando se lucha por amor.
Porque tu eres mi luz estoy contento cuando estas junto a mi. No si yo no fui, deja de mentir, siempre cuando estuvimos solos me dormi….. Muy agradecido. Hola por favor alludenme a conseguir esta cancion el coro dice asi y lo canta una mujer ven vamos a bailar y deja tu cordura a lala lala o lala oa ela esta cancion es com pot.
Hola me gustaria que me ayudaran con dos nombre de dos cancion la primera es de una chica a mericana que canta una cancion que dice simply me en el coro ella tiene un luna al lado de la boca pero ni idea como se llama y el segundo es un chico que canta only now es rock y canta paresido a nickel back ayudenme gracias.
Y el verano llega a nuestra cama tu teniendo sexo en cada madrugada por que entre tus brazos e aprendido tanto todo lo que tengo es seguirte amando solo a ti Si ya no te tengo aqui. Vietnam is also determined to be a pro-active stakeholder of the world community to help formulate various multilateral institutions on the basis of transparency, fairness, democracy and sustainability.
So far, the combination of multilateral and bilateral activities in international affairs in our foreign policy has resulted in positive and encouraging achievements for Vietnam.
Mercosur members and Vietnam have started the process. Given the goodwill, determination and skills from both sides, I think that a Vietnam — Mercosur FTA can be possible even though it may take us some time to achieve the goal. Which are the main features of Vietnam as a trade partner and a business destination?
Vietnam entertains economic links with over economies all over the world. We are the 6th biggest economy in South East Asia withpolitical stability and policy consistency. The current number of Purchasing power potential is thus enormous. In , our GDP growth rate was 7.
The GDP per capita was 2. Last year, our total volume of trade was valued at over million USD, the best record in the past 10 years, doubling our GDP, which shows how much we are open to the world.
I can go on and on with these statistics but I would like to assure you that Vietnam holds great potential for trade and business with the outside world with so many opportunities for exploitation.
Last February president Macri visited Vietnam, the third Argentine to do so, making Vietnam the country of Southeast Asia visited more times by an Argentine head of state in the last 25 years. What is your consideration of Argentina and Vietnam relations? Vietnam and Argentina established diplomatic relations on October 25, and in the bilateral comprehensive partnership was officially founded. I therefore think our relationship is marked by two notable traits: traditional and comprehensive.
The first characteristic sheds lights on our longtime understanding of and sympathy for each other, since the time Vietnam was still struggling to gain back its independence and reunification in the s. It helps explain the appreciation we reserve for each other through the ups and downs of the world situation over the past 45 years. The second characteristic, on the other hand, shows us the way to develop our relations much further now and in the future. As a matter of fact, the bilateral relations have provided us with many reasons to be optimistic, especially in political, economic and trade fields.
Our leaders meet regularly through the exchange of delegations, even at the highest level as you mention in your question. In trade, the import-export turnover between the. The potential for further bilateral cooperation, however, is great, especially in agriculture, energy and biotechnology. However, investment is a field that we should work together much more so that the interest of our two people can be better served. Over the past years, our two countries have cooperated effectively in various fields, such as trade and economic, science and technology, energy, healthcare and education.
Our two economies can be complementary to each other. Vietnam enjoys the relative edge in textile industry and Argentina should take advantage of this strength of Vietnam. We have good skilled labor in producing electronic chips and spare parts, machinery assembling and additive manufacturing process and agricultural plantation. Meanwhile, Argentina boasts strengths in agriculture, dairy products, machinery and biotechnology. These are areas that we can focus our cooperation on in the time to come.
In my opinion, there are many opportunities for both sides to utilize. For instance, expansion of trade relations would greatly benefit our two groups because ASEAN is a huge developing market with over million people whereas Mercosur, with Argentina and Brazil as two leading economies in South America, is able to provide ASEAN with what we need such as soya beans, animal feed, meat, fruits and dairy products, and vice versa.
I also see a lot of opportunities in our bilateral technical cooperation in advanced agriculture, biotechnology and energy. However, we have to cope with various challenges on our road ahead too. I may mention the geographical distance, cultural and language differences and limited information on opportunities for trade and investment.
Nevertheless, identifying opportunities and challenges is a very important step for both ASEAN and Mercosur in our common effort to promote our bilateral cooperation. Looking at what we have achieved so far, I am confident that the future for cooperation between ASEAN and Mercosur is bright, but we all need to work hard for it. For its part, Vietnam is willing to actively contribute to the endeavor as much as we can in the interest of the peoples of our two regions.
Florencia Rubiolo2, Franco Aguirre3. Specifically we will focus on: 1 Analyzing the political and strategic actions taken by Argentina, 2 Identifying scientific-academic initiatives with governmental and nongovernmental participation in such period, and 3 Describing and analyzing the flow of commercial exchanges in terms of amounts and composition.
Given that the Philippines is lacks priority in the Argentine foreign agenda, we seek to understand how these approaching actions are rather part of an impulse-led foreign policy than a clear and deliberated strategy of political and economic rapprochement.
Keywords: Philippines; Argentinian foreign policy; trade diversification; international insertion. En las ventas argentinas al SEA eran del 3. Eduntref: Buenos Aires, pp. En este contexto, los mercados no tradicionales como el Sudeste de Asia adquirieron, de forma paulatina, una mayor relevancia para las empresas exportadoras y, posteriormente, para el estado nacional y algunos estados provinciales. Entrevista realizada por Florencia Rubiolo al Embajador argentino en Manila, 27 de abril de , en Manila, Filipinas.
La empresa Arrebeef S. Declaraciones relevadas en entrevista realizada por Florencia Rubiolo al Embajador argentino en Manila, 27 de abril de , en Manila, Filipinas Ver Baviera para profundizar en el caso del Mar de China Meridional. En este sentido, las iniciativas bilaterales y multilaterales son crecientes, pero muestran discontinuidad e inconsistencia. No obstante, es posible rescatar algunos casos aislados. Esto convierte al comercio con China en un importante factor de dependencia comercial.
A pesar de ello, Filipinas no ha jugado un papel distinguido como socio bilateral de Argentina UN Comtrade, Las importaciones filipinas totales de este producto en particular hasta tampoco parecen responder a estas variaciones. Las oscilaciones negativas en el comercio con Filipinas no dan cuenta de un verdadero deterioro de las exportaciones argentinas hacia socios no tradicionales.
Net Foreign Direct Investment Flows. Balance of Payment, 6th edition BPM6. Buenos Aires: Biblos. The World Factbook. I, Tomo IV. Sitio Oficial. Regional Projects. National Projects. Newsletter No Buenos Aires, Argentina. Especial junio , En Morasso, C. UNR Editora: Rosario, Eduntref: Buenos Aires.
MREC , 24 de agosto. Biblioteca digital de tratados. Cecilia Estudios de historia y sociedad, 37 , DTI, 3. Florencia UNR Editora: Rosario, pp. Florencia; Baroni, Paola A. En Wollrad, D. Buenos Aires: Nueva Sociedad, Trade Map. UN Comtrade. Abstract: In , twelve countries with a strong record of interest in Antarctica signed a Treaty allowing accessibility to all signatories wishing to conduct peaceful scientific research.
The Antarctic Treaty established science and international cooperation as its cornerstones but raised controversies because of its hosting of sovereignty claims over Antarctic territory. This research aims to fill a gap in literature proposing a strict periodization of the Antarctic Treaty System under a systemic perspective.
Using as indicators of legitimacy the increase in membership and the transparency of decision-making processes, the author argues that the Antarctic Treaty System has come to be recognized as a legitimate international regime. Keywords: Antarctic Treaty System; International Relations; international regimes; systemic perspective; international cooperation.
Whilst not aspiring to provide an exhaustive account, we propose to examine the ATS diachronic trajectory and separate it in three blocks of time in order to identify which political, economic and environmental drivers helped shape each one of them.
Historical categorization observes restricted and debatable criteria that are convenient to the scholar but may unintentionally deplete the phenomenon of its complexity.
Such a framework, however, if based on solid historical foundations, can be useful for a comprehensive assessment of the shifting pattern of the ATS. The temporal periodization demarks each phase, proposing years and concrete episodes to correlate the international context with the ATS milestones. Experts like Hemmings ; ; ; ; and Chatuverdi ; ; ; refer to the regime history as a background to debate present issues related to it or to analyze the Australian and Indian positions in the ATS.
The three phases of the ATS display different characteristics. The first one proceeds under the logic of the Cold War and bipolar dynamics, and portrays a still incipient regime with few partners The second phase stands out through the massive admission of new state actors and an increase in the transparency of their relationships The last phase strengthens the previous changes to date. According to Young , the effectiveness of an international regime stems from its degree of legitimacy and fairness.
Based on this understanding, the second objective of this paper is to measure the advance of ATS legitimacy, using the increase in membership and the access to decision-making processes as indicators. The concept of regime used in this paper observes the definition provided by Krasner , as the set of principles, norms, rules and procedures around which the players of international relations converge.
Krasner distinguishes between change within the regime and change of regime. The first case is more commonplace and entails a simple correction of rules and procedures, whereas the change of regime presupposes a qualitative transformation, when there is an alteration of the principles and norms that define its nature.
The twelve original signatories to the ATS negotiated an agreement that ensured their own powerful interests whilst excluding the rest of the world from it. In due time, the regime evolved as a result of a new balance of power and of its own dynamic nature. The consultative members, along the way, adapted the ATS rules and decision-making procedures so as to make them more transparent and inclusive. By examining the ATS trajectory, it will be possible to assess how, despite the corrections in its procedures and rules, its principles and norms remained the same, characterizing a change within the regime, but not of regime.
These changes allowed the ATS to overcome controversy and achieve the representativeness and legitimacy that led to its permanence. Before the Treaty Until , and due to its geographic characteristics, Antarctica lacked legal status.
Discovered in , it only began to attract interest in the Twentieth Century, when the first claims to sovereignty occurred. Seven countries, arguing discovery or contiguity, announced their claims over the Terra Nullius: United Kingdom , New Zealand , France , Australia , Norway , Chile and Argentina The Antarctic Treaty was an attempt to give international status to the continent and, at the same time, not to contradict the claims of sovereignty.
The solution was to postpone the claims indefinitely, without putting an end to them. In Washington, twelve countries accommodated the recognition and moratorium of territorial aspirations with the project of preserving the continent for scientific research. These countries were summoned to the conference because, the year before, during the International Geophysical Year IGY , they had established scientific research bases in the Antarctic continent.
The seven claimant countries agreed to defer their claims without renouncing them Article IV , and the continent became accessible to the Treaty signatories committed to peaceful research. To survive, the agreement would need to become more inclusive and transparent. This indeed happened and today the ATS has 53 signatories. For consultative members only: the reserved first phase The first phase starts with the Antarctic Treaty coming into force on 23 June and ends seventeen years later, when the inclusion of a further agreement, the Convention for the Conservation of Antarctic Seals , transformed the Treaty into a system3.
All other additional conventions and protocols were signed in the next phase. The Antarctic Treaty System consists of the original Treaty, to which the following were added: the Convention for the Conservation of Antarctic Seals , the Convention on the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources and the Madrid Protocol for environmental protection - In , the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties provided a legal framework for all international agreements signed between sovereign states.
In the early s, a sequence of incidents increased the friction between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Bay of Pigs invasion April , the construction of the Berlin Wall August and the Missile Crisis October happened in sync with an unprecedented development of military technology. Despite the sense of impending conflict, both Washington and Moscow avoided open confrontation and agreed to implement external policies of dissuasion and peaceful coexistence. The dissuasion concept was to persuade the adversary of the damaging power of mutual retaliation.
Peaceful coexistence, even without embracing peace, acknowledged the existence of the other superpower and admitted the principles of sovereignty, respect for territorial integrity, non-aggression and non-interference in domestic affairs.
The bipolar nature of international relations dominated the process of joining the regime. The Soviet Union sought to offset the geopolitical imbalance of a Treaty with a majority of pro-Western States, calling on their satellites to join the regime. The avant-gardism of the Brazilian case is interesting. With the exception of the original members Argentina and Chile , Brazil was the first non-European country, uncommitted to the two main military alliances of the world, to sign the Antarctic Treaty.
During the preliminary meetings of the Treaty in Washington, the admission system to the ATS was the subject of much controversy. The Soviet Union advocated admitting into the Treaty all States with which the original members maintained diplomatic relations, an initiative that would allow access to China. The negotiated solution was to approve access to the UN MemberStates, but allowing others to be suggested, as long as the original and active members agreed4.
This provision enabled the consultative parties to exercise a veto power and compromised the balance of power sought by the USSR Costa, With regard to the frequency of meetings since , ATS consultative members have met annually instead of every two years.
With the entry into force of the Madrid Protocol , the committee for the protection of the environment also meets annually. Special conferences - which serve to address specific issues - continue to be convened on a random basis.
All consultative members which acquired this status after the original twelve are considered active members. In this initial phase, the Sino-Soviet alliance already showed the first signs of the fissure that would lead to a diplomatic rupture in The divergences between both countries were geopolitical and ideological.
The Chinese revolution had initially been hailed by Moscow as a victory of international communism, but it soon became clear that the neighboring country would not align with or submit to the Soviet order. From the s and in a motion of Realpolitik, China sought a strategic rapprochement with the United States that eventually led to its admission to the UN and its access to the ATS during the second phase.
When the ATS came into force, four countries in the world possessed nuclear technology. The United Kingdom and France also developed their nuclear programs and helped foster the continued arms race between the two hegemons.
Although the destructive potential of nuclear weapons was wellknown, the isolation and emptiness of Antarctica encouraged the Americans to defend the site as an international deposit of radioactive waste and location to perform tests.
Argentina, backed by the countries of the southern hemisphere and the Soviet Union, called for a ban on any procedure of military nature, nuclear explosions and the disposal of radioactive materials. The signing of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons sustained this trend, restricting this technology to the permanent members of the UN Security Council. In , environmental issues had not yet been introduced into the international political agenda. The release of books such as "Silent Spring" Carson, and "Avant que Nature meure" Dorst, aroused public opinion on the harmful effects of industrial progress.
As the civil society in developed economies became aware of the risks of human activity on the planet, the debate acquired a more political bias, whose outcomes were the conference of the Biosphere Paris and the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment Stockholm Their goal was to avoid the advance of the environmental degradation of our habitat.
With regard to Antarctica, the environmental discussion remained at the conservationist level and prioritized the fauna, leading up to the Convention for the Conservation of Antarctic Seals. In , the rise in the price of oil finally buried the three decades of continuous growth that had characterized the post-war economic recovery.
Some structural evidences foreboded the crisis: developed economies lived the challenge of financing an advanced model of social welfare in the midst of declining industrial productivity.
Though moderate, unemployment and inflationary trends persisted. The collapse of the Bretton Woods order and changes in the international financial system due to the end of the dollar-gold parity worsened the situation and resulted in the oil crisis.
Faced with the devaluation of the dollar and an insufficient readjustment index to recover the loss of purchasing power in gold per barrel, the OPEC countries decided to negotiate a price increase with the oil companies. In October , the Yom Kippur war cut short the talks and broke off the deal.
The rise in the price of oil sank the world into an unprecedented energy and economic crisis, hindering the productive activity that depended on fossil energy source. Antarctic mineral exploration, formerly discarded, was once again included in the discussion agenda. From on, it became a regular subject in all sessions, whether they were expert meetings or informal working groups Qasim and Rajan, At the consultative meeting in London , it was recommended that the parties agree.
One of the factors that motivated the great demand for the regime in the next phase was the expectation of an ATS revision. This position was representative of the priority given by Brazilian geopoliticians to ensure the occupation of the inner regions of a country the size of a continent.
According to them, Antarctica should be divided among all the South American coastal countries that faced the white continent: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Uruguay. In this regard, Brazil would be entitled to a section claimed by both the United Kingdom and Argentina Ferreira, The Frontage theory had a strategic-military focus and expressed the military concern for national security.
The authors even recommended the installation of air control bases in Antarctica. For a better understanding of this proposal, we have to remember that the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance Rio Treaty planned for the union and defense of the American continent, included in its strategic area, a fraction of Antarctica claimed by Argentina, Chile and United Kingdom as well as a fraction that could be claimed by the United States6.
The IGY, held between and , coincided with the Presidency of Juscelino Kubistchek, the onset of his Goals Program and the construction of the new capital. Brazil cooperated in the IGY, but was oblivious to the importance of a more active participation in its scientific project. It was not known, then, that this would be the convening criterion for participation in the Washington conference.
It complained that all the American countries with political, economic or strategic interests in Antarctica should have been invited to participate.
Brazil needed to protect its extensive and exposed coastline and national safety was reason enough to justify its interest in Antarctica.
There was a fear that the Cold War could reach southern regions, especially due to the Soviet Union presence in the area and recent warning of unidentified submarines in South American territorial waters. Thus, the Brazilian government reserved its right to free access of Antarctica and to claim what it deemed necessary and felt free from complying with any deliberation that failed to satisfy it Bath, Argentina and Chile were the last countries to formalize their territorial claims.
This delay is due to not having considered, until then, the need to justify their sovereignty before the world, for since their independence from Spain they had considered their territories as extending up to the South Pole. It was Argentinian pressure that expanded the safety zone covered by the Rio Treaty to include the South Pole sector, also claimed by the United Kingdom. Internally, Brazil pursued industrial economic development, while internationally it sought to strengthen relations with other South American countries.
Kubistchek launched the PanAmerican Operation, aiming to fight economic underdevelopment and the risk of communism through a joint multilateral policy with the rest of Latin America. In the international system, regardless of being the largest country in Latin America and the fifth in the world, Brazil remained a peripheral player who hardly affected the whole.
Lacking a clear position on the Antarctic matter, Brazil decided to go along with the international alternative. Before the coup, the Independent Foreign Policy sought a higher international insertion for Brazil through dialogue and partnerships with countries that could respond to national needs, even if not aligned with American interests Viana, During the first military mandates, due to ideological affinities related to anti-communist discourse, there was a deeper alignment with the United States, favoring the east-west antagonism in detriment of the north-south one Cervo and Bueno, If, at the beginning of the decade, Brazil boasted high growth rates due to the "economic miracle", in the following years the oil crisis, the collapse of Bretton Woods and the decrease in the pace of economic growth caused a transformation of both the national context and of Brazilian foreign policy.
South-south relations and relations with the African and Asian continents were consolidated Cervo and Bueno, This new policy allowed Brazil to play a more assertive role concerning Global South settings and introduced a novel approach towards Antarctica.
His mobilization led to the creation, in September , of the Brazilian Institute for Antarctic Research, a private entity related to the Engineering Club, which tried to organize a scientific expedition to the continent. Recognizing the Treaty as the only valid instrument for the governance of the region, the expert had recommended joining the ATS and gaining consultative status. In spite of the existing divergences between Brazil and Argentina, the affiliation to the ATS was considered timely as it had the merit of eluding the political conflict between the two countries over the construction of the Itaipu hydroelectric plant.
By giving up the principle of territoriality of the Frontage Theory, Brazil conveyed a conciliatory. Finnemore and Sikkink refer to the significance of belonging to international organizations as a means to confer more legitimacy to a regime. Domestic policy launched the Pro-ethanol Program whereas foreign policy started considering the possible revision of the Treaty in Although neither Brazil nor the technologically-developed nations had the skills to exploit Antarctic mineral resources, it was essential that the country could take part in this debate.
In this first phase, we should note the concentration of power resulting from the delay in achieving consultative status. Of the nine new members admitted to the Treaty, only the oldest, Poland, acquired consultative status after 16 years.
This monopoly of power and resistance to relinquish the status quo could have affected the durability and effectiveness of the regime if it had been maintained in the following phases Puchala and Hopkins, In , the entry into force of the Convention for the Conservation of Antarctic Seals concluded the first phase of the Treaty.
That same year, the Iranian fundamentalist revolution disrupted the world oil geopolitics and removed the country from the Western alliance to which it had belonged, contributing to cause a new oil shock. Who is knocking at the door? The responsive second phase The second phase begins with a new oil shock. The Soviet Union, which had important oil deposits in Siberia, saw an increase in the revenue of its exports.
In a political-strategic attempt to position themselves near the Persian Gulf, strengthen the Brezhnev doctrine and achieve greater projection in international politics, the Russians invaded Afghanistan, triggering a resumption of the Cold War.
The second phase ends in with the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact March and the break-up of the Soviet Union. That same year, the Madrid Protocol, an environmental document that postponed the prospects of mineral exploration of the continent for 50 years, was signed. According to post-colonial scholars, the lack of indigenous human population and hence of resistance to colonial rule does not exclude Antarctica from being discussed under this novel approach.
Post-colonialism in Antarctica reveals itself through other behaviors, like sovereignty claiming, unequal political influence, continuous human presence, among others. This period witnessed the political strengthening of developing countries claiming for a New International Economic Order at the United Nations forum. According to Puchala and Hopkins , the s was a period of restructuring regimes and the ATS was in line with this process through a revision of the nature and distribution of power.
The second phase is known for the increase in new memberships 21 countries in 13 years and for being able to solve unfinished issues. The wars in the s had repercussions on the international economic and political structure, either by interfering with the supply of oil or through their role in the inflection of the world order. In , the IranIraq war, brought about by border disputes, was additionally fueled by oil geopolitical interests and ideological antagonisms.
In Afghanistan, Soviets concerned with preserving an enclave aligned with Moscow and faced the resistance of the Mujahideen rebels.
The "Soviet Vietnam" eventually triggered the collapse of the great power and paved the way for the so-called clash of civilizations. It rekindled strategic interest in that environment, undermined the Argentine military government and foreshadowed the decline of authoritarian regimes.
In the following years, the re-democratization movement encompassed both Latin American and Eastern European countries. In this second phase, the increasing participation of peripheral countries in the international order affected the ATS structure and promoted a more multipolar balance of power.
China joined the ATS in , as a postponed result of its rapprochement with the West. Beijing admitted a less ideological development model and adopted a pragmatic foreign policy of greater openness to the world.
The "open door" policy encouraged China to join leading international organizations in order to attract foreign investment and became the first step towards its "peaceful rise" Barnett, Chinese scientists were invited to join the expeditions of the Antarctic programs of Australia, New Zealand and the USA in order to establish cooperation and acquire the necessary skills to undertake their own mission.
The first Chinese expedition to Antarctica took place in and the country achieved consultative status the following year Brady, Since then, China has increased its role in Antarctica and invested systematically in the continent. The inclusion provoked much controversy because India had previously favored an internationalization of Antarctica and had consistently insisted that this issue should be examined at the United Nations assembly Villa, Indian foreign policy started getting involved in issues of global concern since the rule of Prime Minister Nehru.
The main complaint concerning Antarctica and the ATS were the territorial claims and their Euro-colonial bias. Ironically, Indian attempts to bring the case to the UN and were met with the resistance of two former colonies, Argentina and Chile, who mustered forces against what was intended to be an anti-imperialist coalition on the Antarctic issue Chatuverdi, 8. During the following two decades, domestic problems relegated Antarctica to the sidelines of Indian agenda and it was only under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that the country dealt with this geopolitical issue by means of an unconventional strategy.
In , India sent two scientific expeditions to Antarctica, relying on the principle that the ATS was open to all UN countries and provided the missions were for peaceful purposes Sharma, Although the attitude was not unlawful, it was not warranted either, because the Treaty had first to be signed for the mission to be dispatched.
The ATS, though, like other international regimes, lacked an enforcement mechanism to control behavioral deviations Puchala and Hopkins, On the eve of the twelfth meeting September , India not only joined the ATS but acquired a consultative status within 24 days, the fastest process in the history of the regime.
It was the way the ATS found to control the deviant behavior of that country. Among the non-aligned countries, the Indian attitude was considered as defection and renunciation of its politically provocative role Chaturvedi, In , another incident agitated the ATS.
Although the specific target was South Africa, the purpose of the critique was broader and addressed the colonialist nature of Antarctic governance, its lack of transparency and the perpetuation of the privilege of a few countries.
The discussion was set against the recent background of the Montego Bay Convention , which allowed conjecturing apropos the internationalization of Antarctica on the basis of the common heritage of mankind.
However, the ATS chose not to exclude South Africa, claiming that its domestic policy did not interfere with the Antarctic cooperation regime Peterson, Throughout the s, Malaysia acted as a spokesperson for the non-aligned countries to denounce the ATS. According to the bloc, the illegitimacy of the regime derived from its anachronistic reproduction of colonial political domination assigning the continent and its wealth to the exclusive interest of the consultative parties Scott, Despite dismissing the economic exploitation of Antarctica because of its potential environmental impact, Mahathir advocated that the governance of the continent concerned and should benefit all.
Argentina and Chile feared that, in a forum such as the United Nations, the sovereignty they claimed would be considered illegitimate, and they rushed to overthrow the Indian initiative. It is important to remember that Argentina, in the s, was among the first fifteen economies of the world, making the country a respected player in the territorial cause. It was a Chilean jurist, Julio Escudero Guzman, who suggested the moratorium of territorial claims that supported the Antarctic Treaty.
The discourse of the non-aligned countries de-escalated when India, Brazil and China became consultative members of the ATS. However, Malaysian foreign policy persisted on its objections against the ATS until , when an invitation from the New Zealand government to make their Antarctic station available to the scientists from that country moderated the official position.
Denunciations of the ATS by non-aligned countries had the merit of improving the transparency of the meetings, allowing them to be accompanied by non-consultative parties and also by some NGOs. Until , meetings were exclusively attended by consultative members and took place behind closed doors, making the regime look ambiguous and shady.
From that point on, and even without the power of decision-making, the other parties were able to play a more active role Woolcott, Although the regime experienced internal contradictions, it was the external pressures, coming from the international power structure, that helped them unfold Puchala and Hopkins, According to Keohane , the decision to belong to a regime depends on whether the benefits outweigh the costs.
Even if at a disadvantage compared to other members, a participant may choose to join a regime for the assurance it provides Keohane, Belonging to the ATS, even as a non-consultative member, was possibly more productive than being left out, especially in the face of uncertainty about the future of Antarctica.
The new international balance of forces meant that initial compliance was replaced by greater assertiveness reflecting new national interests. It should be clear, however, that there were no changes in decision-making power, only in the procedures of the meetings. Greater transparency is a change within the regime, but not of regime. The admission of new players was triggered by the evolving multipolar balance of the international order and hinted at the general assumption regarding a revision of the Treaty in Participation in a debate that would perhaps allow for the economic exploitation of mineral resources on the continent was an international geopolitical necessity.
Faced with the prospect of a change of rules and in order to ensure their presence on the continent, China, India and nineteen other countries hastily joined the ATS and strove to obtain consultative status in time to participate in the decision-making process.
Between and , the development of a regulatory framework for the exploration of mineral resources in Antarctica Convention on the Regulation of Antarctic Mineral Resource Activities - CRAMRA dominated the agenda of the consultative members. The complexity of the issue, the difficulty of accommodating economic needs with the preservation of Antarctica, and the divergence in the interests of each party made it difficult to compose CRAMRA.
Three positions had to be conciliated. Countries with territorial claims with the exception of France and the United Kingdom defended their sovereign rights in the exploitation of the claimed territories.
The countries with no territorial claims, but developed and with scientific capacity, proposed the unrestricted access to Antarctica with the earnings returning to the investors. Developing countries, lacking technical competence, argued that technology is common to mankind and that there should be an equitable distribution of the benefits of mineral exploitation Krasner, Among the most significant contributions of UNCLOS are the extension of sovereignty for coastal States and the concept of common heritage of mankind for the international seabed.
Some countries and consultative members of the ATS felt uneasy about the possibility that this last concept be extended to Antarctica. The concept of common heritage of mankind originated in from an evolution of the Latin term res communis omnium and res communis humanitatus Baslar, 9.
Despite their similar nature, res communis and common heritage of mankind have different meanings. Both deal with goods and resources that cannot become private property; however, res communis can be the object of access and free exploitation Mercure apud Montastier, In the case of common heritage, it is a distribution model in which the benefits of exploitation must be shared by all States and distributed amongst all people regardless of their participation in the extraction Baslar ; Buck The concept of common heritage of mankind evokes an ethical perspective for a more egalitarian world order, including increased responsibility for the environment.
The Law of the Sea, upon confirmation of the presence of an underwater platform extending the length of their coastlines, allowed coastal States to claim a continental area beyond the nautical miles limit article The claim had to be endorsed by scientific data and would then be assessed by a technical committee.
However, as Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Treaty prohibited new claims of sovereignty or extension of the existing ones, in order to avoid conflicts, the demands were accompanied by an instruction to postpone analysis sine die Haward, Regardless of its ability to accommodate conflicting interests and address resources and promote distribution, it was abandoned the following year without being ratified.
The rejection began when, in France and Australia, a conjunction of the green and left parties took office. The withdrawal of these two countries disrupted Belgium and Italy and influenced the other signatories Jacobsson, On the one hand, compliance with CRAMRA, despite the care taken in its drafting, could jeopardize rights associated with territorial sovereignty and therefore disturb international balance Boyd, On the other hand, the s coincided with the expansion of environmental movements and their growing influence on the international political scenario.
In Roman law, the concept of Res Communis omnium refers to those goods that belong to all beings, like the sea, the moving water and the air. Incidents of environmental contamination, such as the Union Carbide in Bhopal , the Chernobyl nuclear disaster , the Exxon Valdez Oil spill on the coast of Alaska and Paradise Harbor in Antarctica , attracted international media attention and revealed, in addition to the lack of transparency, the foolhardiness of companies and governments.
In , the release of "Our Common Future" Bruntland Report from UN , which proclaimed the so-called sustainable development, asserted that current development should not compromise the wellbeing of future generations. Environmental NGOs denounced the predatory model of development and encouraged green activism.
The Protocol of Environmental Protection of the Antarctic Treaty Madrid Protocol prohibited any activity concerning exploration of Antarctic mineral resources other than for the purpose of scientific research art. Signed in and ratified in , it will remain in force until Until that date, the protocol is practically invulnerable for it can only be modified with the unanimous consent of the consultative parties and requires the creation of a prior legal regime to define which activities are acceptable and under what conditions.
The rejection of CRAMRA is explained not only by the environmental impact it could cause but also by the political cost of a possible international destabilizing of the region Boyd, Between and , Greenpeace operated in Antarctica, evidencing the growing influence of transnational non-state actors in the execution of international policy, particularly in the environmental sphere.
The NGO set up a station, World Park Base, which monitored the impact that human activities from the scientific bases had on the continent and issued a report describing infractions and negligence in dealing with the environment. If scientists adopted irresponsible practices, such as raw sewage dumped in coastal waters and burning of waste, what was to be expected from the extractive activities?
In view of this scenario, Greenpeace began to enjoin the transformation of Antarctica into a natural reserve or world park. The endorsement of the Madrid Protocol shows growing environmental recognition by the field of international relations and pertains to a new understanding of what constitutes security.
In the face of the formal cessation of the Cold War and thus of the risk of a nuclear war, the exclusive military focus shifted to one that comprised environmental risks, such as those arising from climate change, water scarcity and unsustainable exploitation of resources, among others Serpa, In , the United Nations Development Program acknowledged the new meaning given to human security by including environmental security as one of its components Barbosa, In this phase, the average time to becoming consultative member in the ATS was reduced to little more than four years.
The demand for science production, used as a political. Even so, the proportion of consultative members hardly changed. The ATS reacted to the criticism regarding its restricted nature by broadening membership and facilitating the transition to consultative status; yet the same percentage of active members remained as in the previous period. The end of this second phase coincides politically with the fragmentation of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact.
In a single movement, the Cold War and the geopolitics of bipolarity — factors that contributed to originating the ATS regime — were discontinued. From the environmental perspective, the Madrid Protocol completed the architecture of the ATS as a system. Leader Mikhail Gorbachev took office with the mission of revitalizing the Soviet economy and reversing the stagnation of centralized planning. The restructuring planned by perestroika contrived an introduction of market mechanisms to promote a more efficient economic model followed by a political project of democratic openness and transparency glasnost.
These reforms, however, coincided with a sharp decline in the price of the barrel of oil, jeopardizing revenues from this industry and aggravating the problems of the Soviet economy. The political-ideological unity collapsed when Gorbachev refused to apply the Brezhnev doctrine to the Eastern European countries. Within two years August to June , the regimes of satellite-states ceased to exist.
The Soviet Union itself, once a federation of fifteen republics, split into an equivalent number of independent political and economic entities. The regime succeeded in overcoming the objections about its colonial character and moved away from its bipolar past, demanding a better alignment to the new world order.
Keohane explains the expansion of regimes based on the increasing returns brought by the entrance of new members. In this case, the rise in membership conferred more legitimacy and recognition to the ATS as an international regime. The endorsement of the Madrid Protocol, because of its detrimental aspect to latent economic interests of the ATS members, gave the impression of credibility and trustworthiness to their purposes.
No more questions for now. The recognised third phase to date The end of the bipolar system and the rise of new democracies in former Eastern Europe led to territorial fragmentation as well as to new regional integration projects.
The New World Order increased globalization and the transnationalization of problems related to the environment, drug trafficking and terrorism. The third phase strengthened the previous restructuring of the ATS, displaying few differences in terms of its composition.
In more than two decades, only thirteen countries. Part of this "lack of interest" for joining the ATS may be ascribed to the prohibition of mineral exploitation by the Madrid Protocol and to the global prosperity context that prevailed until The most eloquent episode of the new legitimacy attained by the ATS was the access of two countries that had previously disapproved of the regime and championed the internationalization of the continent.
Malaysia and Pakistan had, for years, opposed what they called the "exclusive, total and arbitrary" nature of the rights granted to the consultative parties Azraii , Despite the pragmatic need to adjust to the geopolitical and economic challenges of the 21st Century and prioritize its relations with the West, Malaysia, fearing to alienate its allies from the South-South bloc, postponed its accession to the ATS until Two expeditions were carried out between and , and a station was erected in Antarctica.
The legal understanding is that the ATS cannot prohibit non-signatory States from settling on the continent, provided that it is with peaceful intentions and for the purpose of scientific research. On the other hand, the norms of International Law determine that any settlement in Antarctica is under the jurisdiction of the flag it bears, forming a national space within a territory under international administration.
As the regime lacks enforcement mechanisms, signatories are compelled to convince other states of the advantages of joining the ATS.
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